Hurricanes and their impacts on land can cause much destruction.  Storm surge, high winds, torrential rains, and tornadoes are the main hazards associated with a hurricane.  Of these hazards, the most deadly is the storm surge and the inland flooding that a surge creates which claim nine of ten victims.  According to the Discovery Channel, 90% of injuries and deaths occur as a result of storm surges.  The storm surge is created by the enormous force of high winds pushing masses of seawater inland.  In large Category 5 hurricanes, the storm surge can be over 19 feet high (Table 2.1), and 100 miles wide.  This wall of water can be devastating to anything in its path.  These enormous storm surges and intense rainfall combine to flood low-lying areas many miles inland, often destroying property.  As the marsh recedes, through subsidence and other forces, it provides less of a buffer.  The salt present in the seawater also becomes a destructive force because fresh marsh plants are unable to survive long-term saturation in salt water.

Heavy rainfall from hurricanes and tropical storms can produce flooding; as well, associated high winds and tornados can also be catastrophic.  Though hurricane winds tend to weaken the farther inland a hurricane moves, if accompanied by heavy rainfall, these winds an still be quite devastating through inland flooding.  Golden Meadow was settled by the survivors of the great Hurricane of 1893, which took the lives of several thousand persons in the gulf coast.  Ironically, the descendants of those survivors in Golden Meadow are now very vulnerable to devastation by hurricanes because of the tremendous loss of the wetland buffer.  A storm surge from a category 4 or 5 hurricane could breach the 12-15 foot hurricane protection levee to the south of Golden Meadow.  The degree of potential devastation would depend on the strength of the storm and the length of time it could pour water into Golden Meadow over the levees from the gulf, and from the skies through rainfall.  Heavy rainfall can be controlled through pumping the water out, but only to a degree.

The threat of hurricanes has been present since the settlement of this area thousands of years ago.  Examination of NOAA weather records show that a hurricane has made landfall in Louisiana approximately every three years since 1871.  Figure 2.3 shows the storms of the north gulf coast.  These storms have varied in intensity from small Category 1 hurricanes that

Hurricanes are rated in intensity on the Saffir-Simpson Hurricane Scale. This scale rates hurricanes by their wind speed, barometric pressure, storm surge height, and damage potential.  (This information provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.)

cause little physical damage to large destructive Category 5 hurricanes that result in major damage.  Hurricane Andrew in 1992 is the most recent hurricane to strike the coastline of the Barataria-Terrebonne estuary.  Hurricane Audrey, coming ashore to the west of the Barataria-Terrebonne estuary, in 1957 claimed the lives of 526 people in the coastal area of Cameron.  Hurricane Juan in 1985, spinning offshore of the Barataria-Terrebonne coast for five days, could probably be considered one of the most devastating of hurricanes because it piled up water in the estuary to a depth of nearly 10 feet for the five days it remained offshore.

The “Take Home Message” is that the estuaries, barrier islands, and marshes along Louisiana’s coast provide a buffer zone that drains a hurricane’s strength, but as this buffer zone decreases the potential for greater destruction from future hurricanes increases.

Southern Louisiana is also the endpoint of the world’s third longest river system, the Mississippi River. The Mississippi River drainage system drains and transports sediment from over thirty states and parts of Canada to the Gulf of Mexico.  The flooding of the Mississippi has been and continues to be vital to the creation of the wetlands of southern Louisiana through the sediments it carries.  In the past, these sediments were deposited in the estuaries and marshes of southern Louisiana as the river flooded these areas.  Alluvial rich soil revitalized the marshes by supplying nutrients for growth and soil for the natural development of new marsh.  Presently, this type of beneficial flooding occurs far less frequently because of current flood control measures and the levee systems developed along the rivers, primarily the Mississippi.

Levees are necessary structures for flood protection within the Barataria-Terrebonne estuary.   The levees provide protection for inhabited areas in two respects: 1) levees along the Mississippi River prevent Mississippi River flood waters from escaping the channel; and 2) hurricane protection levees which surround communities such as Golden Meadow prevent hurricane storm surges from inundating an area, and allow water to be effectively pumped out of the area.           

Early settlements of the region were located on natural levees adjacent to the Mississippi River that were less likely to flood.  As settlement continued, the limited amount of high ground that was available for settlement or agriculture production was depleted forcing later inhabitants to settle further back from the natural levees in the lower lying areas more susceptible to flooding.  Settlers built levees along the Mississippi River to protect their homes and crops from flood danger because they recognized that flooding from the Mississippi would always be a problem.  Parts of this original levee system, although modified, are still in use today (Curole, personal communication).

The periodic input of sediment and water that is critical in the formation and maintenance of Louisiana’s estuaries was lost when the channel of the Mississippi River was confined in place by massive levees.  The millions of tons of topsoil and nutrients that were historically deposited on these marshes during the annual spring floods of the Mississippi no longer are deposited due to the levee system.  Instead, the channel of the Mississippi extends to the edge of the continental shelf and the sediments that once built the marshes are now deposited into deep water that precludes the formation of new marsh, or maintenance of existing marsh along the coast.  The loss of these resources through levee construction is believed to be the single biggest cause of wetland loss in southern Louisiana.

Levees have been created inadvertently within the marsh, from the dredge material excavated when canals were dug for navigation or oil exploration channels.  These “spoil banks” alter the normal sheet flow of water through the marsh or swamp, effectively impounding the affected area so that water does not flow in or out.  This can result in the build-up of toxic chemicals such an hydrogen sulfide from plant matter decomposition in the absence of oxygen, with potentially lethal effects on a marsh or swamp.

Levees are important to Lafourche Parish and residents of Golden Meadows because the land area is only a few feet above sea level.  The heights of the levees containing the Mississippi River have gradually increased from 3 feet in the early 1700’s to about 17 feet today.  Storm surge from the gulf and potential flooding from rainfall and the gulf are constant dangers facing residents living along the Bayou Lafourche natural levee and in adjacent low-lying areas.

The levee system, while doing a good job of keeping water out, also does a good job of keeping water in, which is a problem because there is insufficient drainage for a heavy rainfall.  Facilitation of drainage through pumping is an important aspect of the levee system especially during hurricane season since large storms bring large amounts of rain to the area.  The development of the hurricane protection levees in South Lafourche has altered the natural overland flow of heavy rain inside the leveed area.  Normally, the water would flow overland into the low lying marsh and swamp areas, away from the inhabited areas, however, that runoff is now trapped inside the levees and has to be channeled into drainage canals and pumped out of the leveed areas.  Pumps and pumping stations in low-lying areas control much of the excess rainwater (Curole, personal communication).  However, at times, the pumps fail, or cannot keep up with the amount of water coming in, so the threat of flooding is always present.

The past and current residents Golden Meadow and those residents living along Bayou Lafourche settled in the area because of the abundant natural resources including fish and shellfish, ducks and geese, furbearers for trapping and eating, and oil and natural gas.

The first inhabitants of the area were the Native Americans who utilized the plentiful resources available in Barataria-Terrebonne estuary. waterways provided easily accessible transportation routes, as well as high ground on the natural levees, and early inhabitants settled along bayous, rivers, and streams.These early settlers recognized the quality of the soil and planted crops to supplement the wild food sources.By the time the first Europeans settled in the estuary, a Native American culture consisting of well over 10,000 people was already living there.

The French settled in this region in the early 1700’s, closely followed by a group of German immigrants, who were recruited by a French company.  These early settlers gained valuable knowledge about the environment and the skills and techniques crucial for survival from the Native American residents. As the first non-native settlements occurred in this region, the need for defined land ownership arose.  Parcels of land were divided into long narrow strips with each parcel having river frontage following French inheritance practices.  These parcels, known as long-lots, were measured in arpents, a linear measure of 192 feet.  Longlots were often 1 arpent by 40 arpents.  This system allowed each holder to have an area of well-drained ground for cultivation on the natural levee, stretching back through areas of heavier poorly drained soils to standing water in marshes and swamps.  This parcel system assured each settler access to a body of water for transportation and food, and allowed for a home building site, crop production, and livestock pasture on each parcel of property.  The original French long-lot land divisions are still in use today.  The affect of these early settlers is also still evident by the continued use of many French and German location names, as well as heavy use of the French language, mostly by the elders.

Throughout its history of settlement, ownership of Louisiana transferred from the French to the Spanish, back to the French, and finally to the United States through the Louisiana Purchase.  During this time, the population in Barataria-Terrebonne grew as more settlers moved to the region to take advantage of the fertile soils and abundant resources available in the estuary and to escape religious and political persecution.   The people who settled in this area over the years have literally come from every part of the world.  This blending of beliefs and ideals has created a very diverse culture with worldwide influences.

The melding of cultures within the estuary has been further modified by nature.   Weather affects everyone living within the estuary, and most livelihoods are dependent upon the weather and the wetlands.  Farming, oil and fish industries, and numerous other jobs depend on favorable weather, which can mean the difference between success and failure, tolerable or intolerable working conditions, and, in some extreme cases, the difference between life and death.  Because of the respect for weather and potential damages from weather incidents, the people living within the estuary are mobile and maintain a flexible culture.  They are now able to leave when threatened by storms and return to rebuild at storms end, and capable of adapting and readapting to circumstances.  This estuarine culture, formed by a mix of ethnicities dependant upon the wetlands of Louisiana, is one of the greatest resources we are in danger of losing if the present pattern of marsh loss is not stopped.    

The following passages about cultural and historical development of the estuary region are selected from the Avery Island and Weeks Bay geographic summary.

Native Americans have occupied the Mississippi Delta region since before the first delta complex, the Maringouin, became active (7,300 year before present).  Researchers have used archeological data, such as distinctive ceramic assemblages, from these Native American settlements to suggest a relative chronology of deltaic landforms of the Mississippi deltaic plain (Pearson and Davis, 1995).   Further, the Native Americans were quite instrumental in showing the Europeans colonists how to survive in Louisiana’s alluvial wetlands.  The first Europeans to settle these low-lying flood plains of south Louisiana were a group of rural Roman Catholic French Canadian refugees, the Cajuns, or the Acadians.  They were driven from French Canada by the English in 1755 during what is known as “Le Grand Derangement.”

As small landholders, the Acadians enjoyed the seclusion and solitude provided by Louisiana’s physical geography.  It was an ideal setting to start a new life.  They became farmers, trappers, and fishermen, providing south Louisiana with its own cultural identity.   The region’s rich alluvial soils, abundant hide-and fur-bearing animals, and easily harvested aquatic life were infinitely attractive, just as they had been to the Native American inhabitants.  The Acadians were followed by Isleños (Canary Islanders), Austrian, Slavic, Chinese, German, Philippine, English, Irish, Latin American, African American, and Italian settlers.  These populations, along with the Cajun and Native American populations have created a cultural montage of ethnic communities across coastal Louisiana.  The Deltaic Plains’s initial settlements were essentially isolated from the uplands by the region’s “inhospitable” swamp and marsh “wasteland.”  Each culture group brought with them widely differing customs, which became muted over time as each group struggled to adapt to the deltaic environment.   There are about a million French-speaking descendents of the Acadians living in south Louisiana.  It is not uncommon to find “Cajuns” with non-French surnames like Schexnieder, Robert, Allemand, Richard, Huval, and Henry -- a testament to the forces that formed the distinctive “Cajun” culture.  Another distinct culture of the Mississippi deltaic plains is that of the “Creoles” -- defined as native-born descendants of French or Spanish ancestry or both.  As an adjective the term applies to their manners, usages, and inventions, such as Creole customs, creole tomatoes, and creole cooking.  For example, black Creoles trace their roots to immigrants of Caribbean and/or African descents.  As a result, these two French-speaking groups boast distinctive music -- the Cajun French and the African-influenced Zydeco.

Many of the present day inhabitants of Golden Meadow are descendants of the survivors of the fearsome Hurricane of 1893.  This hurricane devastated the community of Chenier Caminada, which was near Grande Isle, killing one-half of the 1700 residents, with a total of 2000 persons losing their lives gulf-wide.   This sobering event caused the survivors, who were of the same mix of many cultures previously mentioned, to relocate to higher ground farther from the gulf in what is now the town of Golden Meadow, so named for the abundance of yellow-flowered goldenrod.  However, because of development the goldenrod is no longer ubiquitous.  The town of Golden Meadow was known as Canal Yankee, after the canal dug at Golden Farms, a farm created by Americans  (“Yankees”) from Maryland (Curole, personal communication).   With the recession of the marsh, Golden Meadow residents once again find themselves quite vulnerable to devastation, with the 15-foot hurricane protection levee and a smattering of the former marsh left to protect them.

In Louisiana, settlers migrated to the state’s isolated wetland landscapes, and acquired cultural practices that are identified with an annual use cycle tied to the region’s natural resource base.  Therefore, this geographic complex is a product of two distinct ingredients:  one natural and the other cultural, or human.  Topographic relief soils, landforms, vegetation, climate, and other natural qualities and agents are often self-evident.  Cultural elements -- demography, ethnicity, acculturation, cultural adaptation and heritage --are not observed easily.  In reality, these cultural and/or social identifiers are often the foundation for the lowland’s importance as a productive environment.  Moreover, exploitation patterns cannot be explained by the land characteristics alone.

Rather than move as the environment changed, inhabitants began to manage the region’s natural waterways to prevent change and guarantee the viability of the settlements.  European settlers took full advantage of the region’s resource base.  As a result, many cultural components survive -- dispersed and agglomerated settlements, linear hamlets, T-towns, and grid cities, plantations, folk houses, boats, fences, and barns, white-washed, above-ground graveyards, and other elements of the region’s material culture.   To some these elements are not important, to others they are links to their heritage.

As early as the 1730s, French Creoles were beginning to exploit the deltaic wetlands.  Initially, the region’s natural commodities attracted them; in particular, its timber and shell resources.  The timber came from the area’s vast bald cypress (Taxodium distichum) and tupelo gum (Nyssa aquatica) forests -- the two primary tree species in Louisiana swamps.  The shell used by the French Creoles was derived from the wetland’s numerous Native American shell middens.  Shell middens are refuse mounds that mark many of the archeological Native American sites throughout Louisiana.  The shells found in these middens are from an oyster known as Rangia.  Rangia was a primary food source for the Native Americans in this area and is thus a major component of many middens.  The Creoles recovered the shell material, which was then burned and converted to lime for use primarily in construction endeavors in the colony (Pearson et al, 1989A; Pearson et al. 1989B).

Originally, the economy was subsistence driven.  With time, this economy became more money and entrepreneurial oriented.  Agriculture products (sugarcane, cattle, rice, and other crops), sulfur, oil, natural gas, fresh-and saltwater fisheries, and the region’s trapping resources developed in response to national and international market demands.  The regional economic mainstay therefore revolved around a market that is national and international in scope.  Consequently, there evolved a large concentration of people confined to wetland-dominated habitats.  As the region’s population expanded, rural settlement clusters began to discover their own economic niche.  Each community acquired its own distinctive employment identity, from agricultural nodal points, to oil and gas support centers, and ports and seafood processing centers.   The survival of many of these communities attests to the will of the people, and their love of the land while living a tenuous existence within the estuary.  They have survived hurricanes, employment cycles, emigration; they have adapted to their conditions.

To succeed and exist in this dynamic, and sometimes inhospitable, environment, the population developed and utilized innovative engineering techniques, unconventional wisdom, and unique cultural occupancy patterns--always with an eye towards maximizing the region’s renewable resource base.  As a result, local government has invested in barrier island research and restoration, water-control structures, levee fortification, locks and gates on key natural and engineered waterways, extensive pump systems and forced drainage projects, canals and ditches to improve flood control, and other public works-type projects.  Ultimately, the population expanded by constructing their homes, hamlets, villages, towns, and industrialized cities on protected and well-drained natural levee land.  As a result, a settlement pattern was initiated that evolved from the region’s distinctive morphology and resource base.  These wetland inhabitants took advantage of all available high ground, regardless of how small or insignificant, much as their Native American predecessors.

 THE LONGEST VILLAGE STREET

     BAYOU LAFOURCHE, says Louisiana, is the longest village street in the world; and I don’t know of any place that has attempted to refute the claim.  It covers 120 curling miles, and along practically all that length it is impossible to ride or walk and be out of sight or hearing of a house or houseboat, both filled with people.  For mile on mile, a single line of homes hugs the waterway on one bank, and sometimes on the other as well.   Here and there towns appear, but often it cannot be determined  when a town ends and mere residences on the bayou begin.  The string becomes double for a time, the second following the curve of the stream like the first; and then it thins again.  How many houses stand in this file, nobody knows.  Some have declared that not even Holland of the old days had a greater multiplicity of rural people per linear mile.

      Lafourche may also be defined as an attitude.  Other Louisianans see or hear a thing smile and say: “That’s Lafourche for you.”  It is as contented a place as I have ever found -- good-natured, quick-talking, never pretending to be anything other than what it is; and pre-eminently it ranks as the bayou of the small man, a man who is busy enough at his duties but seldom too busy to enjoy a pleasant time with his friends.

        The Lafourchais describes his manner of elbow-to-elbow evidence by saying that the boys can toss a baseball along the bayou from one front yard to the next without losing it between the beginning and the end.  (I made no personnel test, but if the boys have moderately good pitching arms, I suspect that it can be done.)  And one day a farmer told me the story of the day the news of the First World War armistice reached Lafourche, back in 1918.  Octave, up the northern end, received a telegram.  He had a cousin, way down at the other limit, who would want to hear this news, yes.  Octave started his car, when Arséne, his neighbor, stuck his head out of the window to ask what was the matter.  Octave told him:  “La guerre est finie!”  Arséne ran to his other window and called the word to Gustave, next door.  Gustave gulped and ran to his window.  Before the hour was past the news had gone from house to house; and when Octave, chugging as fast as he could, reached his destination at the lower line, his cousin came out and cried; “Octave, you have heard?  La guerre est finie!”  And that’s Lafourche for you.

     Taken from The Bayous of Louisiana, Harnett T. Kane, 1943, New York: Bonanza Books, p. 143-144.